EP 82 HF-Handicapping the Contentious Midterm Elections v2
John Diehl [00:00:07] Hi, everyone. You may notice that my partner, Julie Genjac is not with me
today for today's podcast. I joked with Julie and told her it's because she knew that the topic was
politics. And nothing seems to get people running the other way, like political discussions. I'm just
kidding. Julie was unable to join for the recording of the podcast today due to some travel
conflicts that she had, but I know that she would have really enjoyed our episode with our guest,
J.T. Taylor. J.T. Taylor serves as senior macro analyst and chief political strategist at Hedge I
Potomac Research. J.T. has extensive experience in both government and business in
Washington, D.C., with a career spanning the legislative and executive branches, as well as the
financial services industry. Prior to joining Potomac Research Group, he ran Polaris Research,
which is a US public markets division of the Holding M group based in the United Kingdom. He
previously led a policy research team as managing director at Demetrio Menez from 2002 to
2009. He was managing partner of Kemp Partners, a Washington, DC based strategic consulting,
business development and marketing firm that he founded with Secretary Jack Kemp in 2002 at
Kemp Partners. He oversaw day to day operations and business development while managing
client relationships in both the corporate arena and the financial services industries. So without
further ado, let's listen to what J.T. had to say about the upcoming elections. J.T. Taylor, welcome
to the podcast.
JT Taylor [00:01:58] Thanks, John. Great to be here.
John Diehl [00:02:00] So, J.T., I don't know if many of our listeners have noticed, but there's an
election coming up in November. I mean, I think if you lived in my home state of Pennsylvania,
there was there'd be no way of avoiding the fact that in just a couple of months will hopefully I'll
be heading to the voting booth there, doing our mail in voting to select members of Congress.
And there's been a lot of news, J.T., about this congressional election, both in the House and the
Senate. It seems like every election is going to be the election to end all elections, right. If if our
favorite candidate does win. But, you know, I wanted to come to you. J.T. is kind of an insider and
an expert in the political industry, if you will. And and tell us a little bit about how you're thinking at
this point about both the House and the Senate races in the United States.
JT Taylor [00:02:53] John, once again, thanks a lot for having me today. I love doing this and it's
going to be one of those interesting years. You know, if you look back at the springtime, you
know, all we heard or read about was this red wave, this big Republican wave that was coming.
All of a sudden, we have the summertime. I'm from Pennsylvania as well. And the summertime in
particular in August when President Biden and the Democrats hit their stride. We had a bit of a
push back against that Republican wave. And here we are, post-Labor Day. People are beginning
to focus and make up their minds if they haven't already. I mean, you know, if you're anywhere
near a TV and have been throughout the summer and of course, of the last couple of weeks,
you're already being bombarded by television ads. But the pendulum swung back a bit to the
Democrats again since I think early August up through Labor Day. And then, as I mentioned last
week to a group of folks, we've already have a bad CPI number, of course. And we had a
potential rail strike last week, John, as you know. And I think that's still looming in the distance
and that that momentum that the Democrats have had or have halted just just like that. So here
we are in sort of in the throes of weeks before the midterms here. And things are pretty tight and
probably as tight as I've ever seen it. So if anyone's out there telling you that the Republicans are
going to win in a run away or the Democrats have all this great momentum, don't believe them.
This is going to be tight. It's going to be close and it's going to come down to the wire.
John Diehl [00:04:39] JT I was going to ask and the House of Representatives, I've heard it say
that despite their fought what the 435 seats that they control of the House of Representatives,
actually, it's much more narrow than that. Can you explain a little bit about that and where things
stand?
JT Taylor [00:04:55] Yeah. And this is going to be a theme you're going to be hearing more and
more about if you haven't already in. We know this. We live this every day. And I'm hopefully not
at the dinner table, but the country is polarized. Right. And so the congressional map, the House
map in particular shows a very red portion of the country in a very blue portion of the country. And
of those 435 seats, if you can believe this, John, only about 45 to 50 are truly competitive. And
you could probably narrow that a little more to pure purple seats in some of those, 45 to 50 might
be a light shade of pink or a lighter shade of blue, lean Republican leaning Democrat in that case.
But but purple districts, independent districts, if you do, are not want to see a thing of the past,
but they may be in the coming months, in the coming years, so that control of the House is going
to come down to those seats again. Everything else is pretty much baked in. Again, unless
another wave trend emerges and I think we're too close to the election for that to happen.
John Diehl [00:06:04] So where does the House stand at this point, in your view?
JT Taylor [00:06:07] Yeah, so you know, if you look back at the spring, the minority leader of the
Republicans, Kevin McCarthy, was talking about a 50 or 60 point gain for the Republicans and all
they need is five right now to take over Congress. And that would have been a massive sea
change. I think right now what we're looking at, if the election were held today and again, we still
have another CPI number, another jobs number, we have escalation in Ukraine. So many, many
factors that can change all of this. But if the election were held today, I believe that the
Republicans would gain somewhere in the low to mid teens in the House and take over the House
of Representatives John.
John Diehl [00:06:51] And as we think about those seats, how is this different? I know we hear
historically that the party who is in power in terms of the presidential office oftentimes loses seats
in the midterm elections. And I think that's what Leader McCarthy was talking about earlier this
year, or at least factoring into his map. Do you think that this could be different this time because
of maybe help politically divided things are how narrow that house control has become.
JT Taylor [00:07:21] I mean, there is that chance. But since World War Two, John, the party in
power party has held the White House has traditionally lost seats, I think one, maybe two times,
definitely after September 11, when President Bush kept the House. And I believe there was one
other time again since World War Two, that the party in power has not lost. So it would be, you
know, historically unprecedented if if it happened. One, two. You also have you're looking at
presidential approval ratings for Biden. In this case. Biden's were pretty low in the springtime.
They're still very low, even though they've ticked up over the course of the summer. And then, of
course, we'll get to the generic so-called generic ballot in a second. But there is a chance you
cannot rule out that, given the Supreme Court decision with Dobbs over abortion, over the
summertime, that the the momentum and voter registration among Democrats sort of overtakes
that wave or the ripple, as some people are calling it right now. And there is a there's a slight
chance greater than the springtime, but slight chance that the Democrats could keep the House
and Senate.
John Diehl [00:08:37] So let's move over to the Senate for a second, JT, because the Senate, as
we know, is 5050 right now. It seems like it's even more closely divided or more closely in
contention than the House. How do you view the Senate shaping up?
JT Taylor [00:08:51] This is going to be that this is going to come down to the wire, John. I mean,
down to the very wire with all the factors I'm looking at right now. You've got about seven or eight
Senate seats and some of the same exact states that played a major role. No surprise here in
2020. You have Georgia, Pennsylvania, Nevada and New Hampshire. And the list goes on. It's
going to come down to those eight seats. Remember, every every two years, one third of the
Senate is up. So this year, 30, it should be 33 or 34. It's one more this year because we had a
retirement. And so they're looking to fill that vacancy. But the Republicans are defending 22 of
those 33 or 34 seats. So they've got more ground to defend and the Democrats have left less,
which gives the Dems a bit of an advantage. But again, some of the states where the Democrats
are running are in pure purple states and in states where there have been Republican or
Democrat retirements. So in my view, it is going to come down to the wire. I do think right now
the Democrats have an edge. There has been you know, you guys have been bombarded with
this this talk of the the so-called untested Republican candidates out there versus the
establishment. But the Republicans would have an advantage, in my opinion, if they had gone
through and nominated some of the more establishment types and untested in some cases in
back. I mean, I would prefer a maverick nine chances out of ten rather than the old guard. But if
you're Mitch McConnell, John, and you want to keep this or you want to take over the Senate,
you want the
best possible candidate that's going to win in their mind minds and that of their various
committee arms, the Senate Republican Committee. They're going to want an establishment
candidate in there that is going to unify the party. Some of these untested candidates, shall we
say, have more controversial backgrounds, have made more controversial statements. And as I
said, they're untested. So they're going to make some mistakes or gaffes along the way. Not that
they're not that the Democrats aren't going to do the same thing. There are plenty of those, John.
But it had McConnell had his way, I think he would have put forward a number of different
nominees for those Senate races. So that's why it's up for grabs in a couple of these seats in
particular. You've got some some candidates that should be ahead, but they're running behind the
Democrats again in a year where Republicans should have the advantage. So it's clearly, you
know, when you when you factor all of this out, it clearly is going to be a toss up. You've got to
give the Democrats an edge right now. If the election were held today based on, you know, based
on money in the bank, based on polling, and we could talk about polling all day long in the the
flag polling system. The U.S. has to look at polling. You can look at money in the bank and
support either party and then unification. You know, is the party unified behind this candidate in
most cases unified behind the Democrat in our state of Pennsylvania, John, you know that there
is they may be unified a bit behind the Senate candidate eyes, but there is a bit of a dissension
with the gubernatorial candidate. And we'll talk about those ties in a second.
John Diehl [00:12:29] So, J.T., it sounds like your best guess at this moment would be a divided
Congress, maybe the House remaining or changing to Republican hands, Senate, maybe an edge
to the Democrats. Yes, a question I have is in some of those contentious races, Senate seats that
are currently held by Republicans are currently held by Democrats, which are flipping we just
mentioned Pennsylvania, but there's also the race in Georgia. How important is the the rest of the
ballot, let's say, and talk a little bit about ticket splitting and what that means in some of these
really close races.
JT Taylor [00:13:07] I think you just picked up on my last comment here. So let's let's go back to
our neighborhood, John in Ohio and Pennsylvania. In Ohio, you have a very popular Republican
governor, Mike DeWine, running double digits ahead of his of his Democratic challenger. But yet
in an in a state, Ohio, that is rapidly becoming red if it's not red already, because it was purported
to be purple for years. And I don't not for one believe that. But I do believe now that it's a red
state for Senate. You've got a House member, Tim Ryan, a Democrat running against an untested
candidate, J.D. Vance. And they're running neck and neck. So the hope is that DeWine, the
Republican, can pull Vance with him and that there's there won't be tickets. But what we're
seeing a lot of is over the last couple of election cycles is given the country's polarization, that
there is less ticket splitting, people are going in there and pulling the Republican lever, they're
pulling the Democrat lever and then just moving on. There is the independent factor, which we'll
get to in a second. But many Republican candidates are hoping, and some as well, Democrats as
well are hoping that the top of the ticket will help them. So in this case in Ohio, Vance is counting
on hopefully some coattails from Governor DeWine. Go across the border over to Pennsylvania.
The opposite is true that the gubernatorial candidate is quite controversial. He does not have a
unified Republican Party behind him in the state. And so you've got Oz versus Fetterman in just a
very, very, very hot race. And I think Oz would probably. Hope for some separation between him
and the gubernatorial nominee in that case and hope that there some ticket splitting going on as
well.
John Diehl [00:15:12] So, J.T., I want to ask you about a couple of things that we always hear
about in these election cycles. And if you could share with us the importance of these things. One
being the generic ballot and the other being presidential favorability ratings. How do how do they
impact specifically this November's elections?
JT Taylor [00:15:31] Yeah. So let's go back again to the springtime. The generic ballot showed the
Republicans with a clear edge. So what what these pollsters do and these are pollsters of all
sizes, shapes, partisan backgrounds. So what I typically try to do and I never listen to one of
these pollsters, I try to aggregate a number of things I see on the horizon and then look at some
of the best practices of those people I pick. And so there was a clear advantage for Republicans, I
think by four or five points in the springtime, maybe greater than that that has flipped over the
summertime. So the generic ballot is now favoring the Democrats. And what these pollsters do is
they go out to the field and ask via cell phone or hard line, which is kind of hard to do, or either an
online poll and ask if it were just a pure Democrat or a pure Republican, who would you vote for if
the election were held today? They don't make it mentioned names. They don't mention issues. It
just based on party. That's why they call it generic. And at this point, over the course of the
summer, the Democrats have regained their balance, if you will, and are up by two, three points to
zero, a couple of out over the past 24 to 48 hours that show this neck and neck. And I believe
that's exactly where we are. So what it's going to come down to and what that tells me and how
that impacts the November election is that once again, Democrats have pretty much made up
their minds. Republicans have made up their mind. It's going to come down to just like 20, 20, 20,
18 and years before. It's truly going to come down to independents at this point. And that's what
all signs are showing. On the presidential approval, you know, same thing. It's a factor in any
election, any midterm election. And it's typically this year the Democrats were you'll see a number
of Democrats not running away from Biden, but not rushing to share the pulpit with them in some
of these campaign stops because his approval rating was at an all time low. He's since regained
some momentum. Still pretty damn low, John, for for a a presidency. And he did have an uptick
based on a couple of victories that the Democrats over agree with Biden or not John. The
Democrats, after 18 months of this, what I call a circular firing squad here in D.C., you know,
interparty sniping. You've got Ocasio-Cortez sniping at Pelosi and the centrists. I mean, you
know, they didn't understand the fact that they were in power, but they were in power by one seat
in the Senate. And so you've had all this ridiculous infighting for 18 months. Finally, finally, finally.
Fortunately for the Democrats, at one point in August, they kind of turned the tide, passed the
Inflation Reduction Act on the heels of the massive infrastructure bill that Biden and our troops
captured. Zawahiri killed Zawahiri, I should say. And this is you know, I think a year prior to that,
we are coming off of probably one of the most disastrous withdrawals. And I believe that's when
Biden's approval started to tick downward rapidly when it came to Afghanistan. So a year later,
the tide has been turned for the most part, but they're not there yet. His approval is still low, but
there has been a separation between Biden's low approval rating in this generic ballot. So you do
see some folks making that separation. And I think a lot of this is largely based on the jobs
Supreme Court hearing on abortion in the summer, where Democrats are starting to register more
women and young folks. And you're starting to see that reflected in polling numbers. And you also
saw that reflected in a number of special elections that were held over the summer for vacant
houses.
John Diehl [00:19:40] So, JT, when it comes to this election, I want to ask this to kind of wrap up
the view of Congress, but let's talk about the topic of issues, because it seems like the top issue
seems to change constantly in the summer. As you mentioned previously, it was the dogs
decision and then we had some of what was going on with former President Trump. More
recently, we had an 8.3% inflation number, which came on the heels of high inflation through the
summer. But some pretty significant market drops as well. Then over the past couple of weeks,
the immigration issue has risen again, with Governor DeSantis sending some some of those folks
to Martha's Vineyard, which put it back in the headlines. How does someone like you begin to
handicap what issue is going to take precedence as it comes to the upcoming election?
JT Taylor [00:20:31] It's a little it's a little like whiplash, John. I'll be honest with you. We've had,
again, as you said, indicated, beginning the summer, it was all about the economy, inflation, gas
prices, which potentially are going to be on the rise again, and immigration and of course, crime,
which is a big one. But immigration just reemerged and masterfully before I get to the Democrats
issues masterfully, in my opinion. By DeSantis It's a hot political potato. But it took all of the
attention away from. Any other topic out here and it's bringing. So what DeSantis is doing agree
with him or not? Or two sentences doing a sort of deflecting and changing the subject away from
whether it's in Mar a Lago one day or some other controversy and bringing it home. Now, it's not
going to sit well with everybody, but I think with the Republican base, it's going to get them fired
up. So, you know, that that that is a momentum changer. And there are downsides to what
DeSantis is doing as well. Don't get me wrong. Republican Democrats, on the other hand, really
want to focus on their successes from the summertime. But, you know, unfortunately, it's going to
be about abortion and clean energy. This is some of the things that you're going to be hearing a
lot about. So it feels like there are two parallel universes taking place with these these different
subset of subset of issues. But what I tend to look at again in aggregate are what voters care
about the most and voters care about the economy and inflation, surprisingly. And watching
politics over 25 years here, surprisingly, abortion has risen to a top three topic. And as guys trying
China believe it or not, John and we could spend a whole whole podcast on that at some point
down the line. But these are the these are the issues that have risen to the fore. So you give the
Republicans an advantage on that front, especially on inflation, especially given the most recent
CPI number. But. But. But. Donald Trump has entered the equation as he did this this past
summer. So if you look back in early August, John, the Democrats passed the Inflation Reduction
Act, which is a 750 $800 billion bill. Another massive spend by the Democrats in some good
components showed a plenty of fodder attack, fodder for Republicans. And if you go back to
when the Democrats passed Obamacare over a decade ago, the Republicans were able to frame
that in the days and weeks after passage and really go after Obamacare and put the Democrats
on the defensive. They do that this time around when they pass the inflation reduction. They could
not counter the Democrats messaging going into the summertime because of the the Mar a Lago
issue and all of a sudden that supplanted and took all the oxygen out of the room and out of the
Republican sails, messaging sails, if you will. So this is why the messaging these issues are
important. This is why the Republicans are about to unveil their sort of modern day Contract with
America, which is something Newt Gingrich ran on 20 or 30 years ago. So the Republicans are
going to unveil this month their four or five issues, their platform, if you will, issue platform to at
least again, along with immigration and all these other issues, at least keep the focus on issues,
not on controversies or past elections.
John Diehl [00:24:19] So it sounds to me like and not to use I honestly don't mean this as a punt,
whoever holds the last trump card on issues, maybe in the captured seat when it comes to
whatever issue controls the election. Right.
JT Taylor [00:24:34] I think unless there is another October or some sort of October surprise, I do
believe that that's going to be the case. And again, it's going to be the economy. So one of the
things we're going to be looking at is that last CPI number, that last jobs number, where interest
rates are. And of course, maybe most importantly right now, because this is helping the
Democrats where gas prices are.
John Diehl [00:24:59] So, J.T., I'm going to switch topics on you a little bit, because obviously in a
midterm year, everybody's focused on Congress. But I want you to talk a little bit about the
importance of the state races. We're electing governors. We're electing state legislatures in many
different states. How does this impact the political picture? Maybe not in the next six months, but
in the next two, four, six, ten years?
JT Taylor [00:25:25] Well, think about this, John. I mean, everyone in such a good question,
because everyone is focused on the House, in the Senate, the U.S. House, the Senate is always
the White House in two years. But the state legislatures, the House, state houses in the state
Senate and the governorships, these are the ones. These are the people that are drawing the
congressional maps. So if you go back to what I said earlier in the segment, when we're talking
about this this ruby red Republican seats and these royal blue Democratic seats, this is a
byproduct of the state legislatures that are drawing these congressional maps. So what we're
about to see or potentially see, as well as the governors and what we're about to see is a a
movement potentially by the Supreme Court on a North Carolina ruling that could potentially win
over. Remember, we talked about 45 to 40 5 to 50 seats up for grabs. We could be looking at 35
or less in the coming elections. That would truly be competitive every year. And when you think
about this, this is control of Congress and you know that it's going to hinge on those few seats
time and again. And control of Congress means a lot of things to power the purse strings, as we
know, and something that it's sort of overlooked every year, the appointment of judges. We're
seeing that play out politically with some of the controversies, political controversies out there.
But we're also seeing that play out on such issues like abortion, as we said earlier in the program.
It's going to play a major role that helped stem any progress that the Republicans are making over
the summer and just sort of change the narrative here, even though everybody was prepared for it
and they saw it coming down the pike. It completely changed the narrative. And it's also going to
impact the judges through rulings like Roe v Wade slash dobbs. There's another EPA decision
that came down over the summer, which I think we're going to get to in a second. That's going to
that's going to impact how regulations are looked at. This is the state legislature. Are going to
draw these maps that will last for the rest of the decade. And so if there is a in more of a red tilt to
some of these states, then, you know, you're going to be looking at some potential challenges for
Democrats coming down the pike.
John Diehl [00:27:58] So, J.T., I think when the untrained mind thinks about it, we think what's
happening in this country are all the Republicans moving to one area and all the Democrats
moving to other areas. But I think what you're saying is it has this much to do with how these
districts are drawn and kind of what that what what complexion that takes on. That may be the
the result of which, after years of doing this on the fringes or maybe in the mainstream, depending
how you look at it, is the gerrymandering really what has caused the amount of polarization in our
political scene, do you think.
JT Taylor [00:28:32] Has something to do with it? Because there's no you know, you don't have
challengers in some of these seats. You don't have you know, I used to when I used to talk to
clients, I used to ask them three questions. I said, first, who's your member of Congress? And
maybe 10% of folks in the room would tell me that they're members of Congress. Member of
Congress was a few of them knew who their senators were. Second, I'd say, did you vote in the
primary? And they would, you know, look at each other like, what's a primary? What do you
mean, a primary? And then third question was, did you vote in the general election? And maybe a
third of the people in the room would say they voted in the general election. Having said that,
these races are determined. Many of the outcomes of these races are determined in the
primaries, where you have party activists spending much of their time. That's not to say folks that
don't have a day job aren't activists, but the folks that are really ginned up about their issues are
getting out there and controlling these primaries and determining who's winning these primaries.
And when you're running in a ruby red district, you're going to get you know, you're going to
probably put forward the most conservative person you probably can to win that so that the
gerrymandering is one. And again, we could spend a whole podcast on this, John, but two is
money in politics. I mean, it's kind of disgusting at this point how much money is being spent. I
think just anecdotally, I'm going to sort of jump back to the Senate for a second, but the National
Republican Senatorial Committee, the chairman of that committee, was criticized for blowing
through $183 million over the summer. He and Mitch McConnell got into crosshairs. But think
about that number, 183 million spent in in some words, by some Republicans potentially wasted,
even though I think that they bought some good airtime in critical states. But that's just the
summer. And so we're talking about billions. I mean, I never thought in a million years we've been
talking about billions of dollars being spent on elections, and that's a factor and then a major,
major factor in all of this. And you could see that just by this barrage of ads. I mean, there's just
you can't turn around, especially if you're in the states that are state of Pennsylvania. If you're in
Ohio, Georgia, you're not going to be able to turn the TV on for the next five or six weeks without
seeing an ad. And then lastly, this is, you know, I'm probably showing my first years here, which
are the nineties, but just before I arrived on the scene. You. Transportation and members of
Congress interacting, I think, is another factor, frankly. So when you think about maybe the sixties,
the seventies, even into the eighties, yes, we had air travel, but it's grown. It's become much
easier to travel, much easier to get from point A to point B unless you were traveling this past
summer and with the advent of easy travel, I think members of Congress started going back to
their congressional districts more often. And there used to be a time in D.C. where when you were
elected, you were move your family to D.C. That's probably the minority right now. So people are
pretty much coming here Tuesdays, Wednesdays and Thursdays and then hightailing it back to
their districts on weekends, which is a good thing because they're spending time with their
constituents. But what they're not doing when they're here is interacting with the other party. It
used to be where a Republican and a Democrat would live in the same neighborhood and the
kids would be at the same football games or the same soccer games or at the same charity
benefit. None of that is taking place right now and hasn't for the last decade or two. And in my
experience, what's happening is when they're finished voting on Capitol Hill in our great dome,
they hightail it to various clubs, Republican or Democratic clubs for fundraisers. And you're not
going to see a Democrat and a Republican fundraiser. You're only going to see a Republican at a
Republican fundraiser. And the the parties in the members just aren't for the most part. I'm
oversimplifying it. There are pockets of bipartisanship here, but they're generally just not talking to
each other.
John Diehl [00:32:51] So JT, as we wrap up our podcast today, I want to talk about hypothetical
outcomes and why don't we start where we began, which was your current handicapping saying
your best guess if the election were today would be divided government, house to the
Republicans, Senate to the Democrats, not by much in either direction. And I think divided
government is kind of been the norm in the United States, been rare that there have been periods
of united presidential and congressional leadership. But tell us some of the implications you see
of an outcome which is divided, as we projected at this point.
JT Taylor [00:33:30] If it's if we have divided government, if the Republicans take over one or both
bodies of Congress. No new taxes, period. They're just not going to happen. You're not going to
see any big spending bills like we did with the infrastructure bill or the Inflation Reduction Act.
Those are a thing of the past. Progressive priorities. Any progressive priorities, even if the
Democrats keep the Senate, are gone. Done toast. So you're not going to hear any more talk of
these multitrillion dollar bills that, you know, that could be inflationary. The you could have a debt
ceiling fight, John, and that's going to be a little dangerous here because we are. The country's
credit and faith in our system is based on raising the debt and making sure that we fulfill our
obligations. That can be a really ugly fight as well as the spending bills. So while we might not
have these massive Democrats spends that we have over the last couple of years, we may be
faced with the annual budget bills, the appropriations, the 12 appropriations bills. That could be a
really messy, ugly fight that could lead to a shutdown. So those are the things that are going to
sort of come pretty much come to a stand. So you might see an uptick in defense spending
because I'm seeing these interesting alliances between and I don't necessarily want to call it
bipartisanship, but you do see more Democrats supporting defense spending and you do see a
number of Republicans sort of balking at increased defense spending. But I do think that given
what's happening in Ukraine and other parts of the country, China-Taiwan, I think you're going to
see an uptick in defense spending. Where can we see some commonalities? You know, big tech
regulation. I'm probably running against the tide here because everyone thinks that big tech may
survive a Republican House. But I think that Republicans and Democrats will continue to put the
big tech companies under the microscope. You might see some agreement on crypto. And as I
said, China oversight and defense spending are other areas of agreement. The other thing you'll
see again is unless the Republicans take the Senate, if the Democrats keep the Senate. Then
Biden will continue to appoint judges, write nominees on the record tear. And just as Trump was
before him at appointing judges, I think he's at a record pace for this juncture in his presidency.
That will continue. All that's going to take is 50 plus one votes in the Senate. The House has
nothing to do with judgeships. So Biden will continue to put forth the judges of pace.
John Diehl [00:36:43] So, JT, let's consider another alternative, which is the Democrats remain in
the position they're in today. They retain the Senate, they retain the House. And certainly
regardless of this midterm election, President Biden will still be in the presidency. What might we
expect then? From a policy standpoint?
JT Taylor [00:37:03] I am more spending just frankly, more and more more spending. I think you're
going to see a lot more, say, continuation of progressive, progressive agenda because the Senate
is still going to be tight. And the progressives, it feels like I'm taking potshots here, but I'm just
stating the facts. John, progressives still don't get the fact that even if you have nominal control of
the Senate, it's not 60 votes. So you're not going to be able to get these massive, massive bills
through without the 60 votes, unless you do it through the reconciliation process. So they'll still
try. You'll see climate action on the climate. You will see probably some movement on taxes. So
some tax increases, I don't know about personal rates, but it you'll certainly see some activity on
the tax front, energy front, as I said, China oversight. And then I do believe that it coming back to
big tech, I think that they're really going to put big tech under the microscope as well as other
antitrust issues. If they if they keep everything.
John Diehl [00:38:13] And then let's say that third scenario, JT, which is Republicans sweep both
the House and the Senate. But again, President Biden is still in the presidency. Is there any
difference between that and divided government?
JT Taylor [00:38:26] Not not really. I mean, I think that.
John Diehl [00:38:29] I guess the judges would be.
JT Taylor [00:38:32] Yeah, which judges are done right at that point. But it's still it's a divided
government. The Biden agenda is done whether or not as long as Republicans take one of what,
one or both, and it's just going to come down to, like I said, these these these spending bills
every year, the debt ceiling, a couple of other I don't I don't want to relegate them to a separate
level, but other issues that really are at the forefront, smaller issues, whether it's as I said, big tech
crypto might be under the microscope, crypto regulation and but it is going to be it will probably
be the ugliest two years I think we've seen in politics. If that takes place, it's going to be ugly
nonetheless. But it's about to get uglier. John, there won't be much wriggle room for the for the
Biden agenda, if any at all. Any progressive ideas are dead on arrival. Any big spending is dead on
arrival. It's just going to be sort of plodding through getting these these annual appropriations bills
done. And then probably, as I say, to keep on mentioning China. But, you know, there that's an
area of of of bipartisanship right now, as well as defense spending. So that might be the one
beneficiary of purely a divided government.
John Diehl [00:39:56] You know, a question I should have asked you earlier when we were talking
about the house chatty, but this is a topic that some people are like enough already. Other people
are like, it's the only way to get it. The truth that the House in the control of these investigative
committees. Right, whether at one time it was Trump, Russia, then it's January 6th. Now we have,
you know, Republic Republicans saying if we do take the House, watch out, we're coming for you
regardless of what the issue is. Do you see this? Is there is there a lot of power in these House
investigative committees to influence the narrative, if you will? What's the impact of that? And
why don't we hear as much about Senate committees as we do about the House committees?
JT Taylor [00:40:42] I really good question. I think that the Senate has tried to be, I think, over my
course here. I mean, you could go back years. I think my first year here were the Anita Hill
hearings. So that that would be one counter to what you said, John, but. On the House side as
you have control of of these investigative investigative committees, especially what's happening
on a general jerry search committee right now that has raised more attention. You have seen more
awareness of of those issues and sort of an ability to I don't want to control the narrative, but an
ability to bring that to the fore. I mean, there's still another hearing coming up at the end of the
month. And if, you know, I don't watch a lot of the the main networks, but I read in the morning
what's sort of the top thread. And in a couple of weeks or in probably in about a week, you'll see
more September of January six hearings and that will be at the front of the news cycle. So, yes,
they have an ability to control the narrative and change the topic of other important issues that are
taking place. And there will be hearings afoot with if the Republicans take over their promised
hearings on yeah, from DHS, they'll probably be moved to impeach Biden. There'll be a look at
Hunter Biden's laptop and all of those issues will resurface again. And they'll probably be a really
controversial look at the Department of Justice and the Mar a Lago issue from from August of
2022 and how that all came about. Unless that. Proves otherwise in the coming weeks. So the
Republicans are loaded for bear with their invested investigative committees. Remember, the
House guys tend to be more activist, and so they're going to come up with more. You know, I say
glamorous, but the more headline grabbing hearings and the saying it's not incapable of that, but
they seem to be a little bit more stark to me.
John Diehl [00:43:02] You might have answered my question that the Senate being that there's
only 50 of them, probably have to please a wider constituency. The House is probably, as we
talked about earlier, more polarized and concentrated. Well, J.T., I've had a chance to ask you,
and I'm sure this election season you get peppered with tons of questions like the ones I've asked
today. But I want to take a minute to ask you a series of different questions, something we do
here on the human centric podcast, just to kind of humanize our guests, if you will, because we're
all people. J.T., is it okay if you participate what we call a lightning round star? Our guests can get
to know who J.T. Taylor is a little bit deeper.
JT Taylor [00:43:40] Boy, oh, boy. You know, get ready. I go to brace myself.
John Diehl [00:43:44] Top of the head answers. Are you a morning person or a night owl?
JT Taylor [00:43:50] Absolutely a morning person.
John Diehl [00:43:53] What's your favorite holiday?
JT Taylor [00:43:56] Thanksgiving. Wow. I thought I'd take time to think about this. This is like.
John Diehl [00:44:03] All right, scale of 1 to 10, how good of a driver are you?
JT Taylor [00:44:07] Oh God. I consider myself a ten and 99% sure. My mother my mother would
say my one.
John Diehl [00:44:17] Ah. Well, this might be loaded. Are you a city guy or a country guy thinking
about your time in D.C.? Which do you prefer? City or country?
JT Taylor [00:44:26] Gosh, I prefer a country right now. Even though I live in the city.
John Diehl [00:44:31] Beach house or lake house.
JT Taylor [00:44:34] Beach house.
John Diehl [00:44:37] Are you an introvert or an extrovert?
JT Taylor [00:44:40] Gosh. I consider myself an introvert, but it's clear if you talk to any of my
friends, I'm an extrovert.
John Diehl [00:44:49] Are you messy or are you need?
JT Taylor [00:44:52] Neat. Ocd.
John Diehl [00:44:54] Are you like the left handed or right handed?
JT Taylor [00:44:59] Right handed, sometimes left. Oddly enough.
John Diehl [00:45:03] East Coast or West Coast.
JT Taylor [00:45:08] East Coast.
John Diehl [00:45:12] Read a book or listen to Audible.
JT Taylor [00:45:16] Read.
John Diehl [00:45:19] Cake or pie?
JT Taylor [00:45:22] Cake. Chocolate.
John Diehl [00:45:24] Chocolate cake more specifically. And dogs or cats?
JT Taylor [00:45:29] Dogs. Definitely.
John Diehl [00:45:32] Well, J.T. Taylor, thanks for taking some time with us today. We really
appreciate your insights and thanks for being with us.
JT Taylor [00:45:41] John. That was great. Great fun. Hope to do it again soon.
John Diehl [00:45:44] And for those of you listening who would like to learn more about JT's
views, we featured some of these articles on our website. Hartford funds dot com and also on
Hartford Funds dot com. You can find our Politics Resource Center and then the Politics
Resource Center. You'll be able to find client friendly pieces that you'll be able to use with your
clients just to give them perspective. Maybe kind of cool the emotions and bring us all back to a
rational approach about how to think about elections and especially how to think about elections
when it comes to our long term financial goals. So again, JT, thanks very much and for all of you
listening to the Human Centric Investing podcast. Thank you. And we'll see you on a future
episode.
Julie Genjac [00:46:31] Thanks for listening to the Hartford Funds Human Centric Investing
podcast. If you'd like to tune in, don't forget to subscribe wherever you get your podcasts and
follow us on LinkedIn, Twitter or YouTube.
John Diehl [00:46:44] And if you'd like to be a guest and share your best ideas for transforming
client relationships, email us. A guest booking at Hartford Funds dot com. We'd love to hear from
you.
Julie Genjac [00:46:55] Talk to you soon.
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