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Hello and welcome back to the Iron Fist Velvet Glove podcast.

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I'm Trevor.

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With me is Scott, the Velvet Glove.

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Hanging on to a beer there, Scott, in regional Queensland.

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How are you?

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I'm good, thanks, Trevor.

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Yourself?

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G'day, Joe.

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G'day, Trevor.

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G'day, listeners.

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I hope everyone's well.

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Yeah, and Joe, the tech guy, is with us as well.

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Evening, all.

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So yes, episode 434.

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Dear listener, 1st of July.

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This podcast, uh, our very first episode, was on the 4th of July.

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9 years ago, or almost 9 years ago.

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So, kind of like the 9th anniversary edition.

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There we go.

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Congratulations to us for 9 years.

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I know we're going to make 10.

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I don't know if we're going to make 11.

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I'm just not so sure.

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Or it might be quite different.

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We'll see how we go.

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Scott, you were surprised.

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It was a very long

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time.

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Yeah, I was very surprised, actually, for 9 years.

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I just think to myself, my hair is certainly great in those years.

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And um, it's no longer salt and pepper, it's now salt, and

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um, yeah, it is what it is.

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I consoled you with a list of all of our achievements in that time.

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Yeah, which I then pulled you apart on, so anyway.

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Because yeah, we haven't really achieved, I feel we've achieved nothing, but anyway.

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Um, if you actually look at what we have attempted to achieve,

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we have not achieved it.

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However, we have, we have got a conversation that has

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started, and even amongst some of my more right wing friends.

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They have indicated that socialism is no longer a dirty word.

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Right,

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thanks to

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us.

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Well, partially because of us.

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Um, I also had to remind them that had the government not thrown out its

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neoliberal policies and all that sort of stuff during the pandemic, that Australia

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would have been in a world of hurt.

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So, you know, it's just one of those things.

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I think that, um, You're probably right, it probably was a good one for

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the Labor Party to lose, you know, because had they have come in and been

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in government at the time, would the Tories have got it out of the way?

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No.

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But would the Greens have actually blocked the extra spending?

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No.

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So, I think to myself that it would have Look, the big argument

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is always that the, is that the Conservatives are the

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great financial managers.

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Yeah, which is a load of shit.

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When Rudd spent all that money on, on his emergency, blew out

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the budget, looked really bad.

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But then Morrison went and did it just as hard, so

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it's a

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great, it was a great election to lose.

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Yeah, but

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the difference is, um, Rudd gave the money directly to the people

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who needed the money, whereas Morrison gave it to his mates.

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That's true, big difference.

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Yeah, so, um, so yeah, this episode, you know, I decided to do

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something a little bit different.

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Even before I remembered that this was the ninth anniversary, but

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anyway, it works out quite well.

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So, um, you know, I was, I've been contemplating democracy, Scott.

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As I look around, you reckon it's failed.

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As I look around the world.

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And I, you know, I witnessed the presidential election,

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we'll talk about that.

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I'm witnessing French elections, we're about to see a UK election.

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I'm looking at, um, you know, Fatima Payman in the Senate at the moment.

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I just, I'm just looking at democracy, Scott, if,

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if it's what the people want, even if it was what the people wanted, but

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the people have been brainwashed by powerful oligarchs So you're really

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just getting what the oligarchs want.

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Is, is it democracy?

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If, if, if you've successfully brainwashed a population on a policy

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and convinced them to have it.

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Is it, is it democracy?

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Well, that was always the argument, wasn't it?

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The working class were not capable.

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They didn't follow politics.

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They weren't engaged.

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They didn't have the time.

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They were too busy earning a living.

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So why would they get the vote?

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I don't kind of see the point.

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I'm going, maybe

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Even the upper class don't understand the issues.

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Well, no, no, I know that.

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But maybe you need a voting license.

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Maybe you need to sit an exam to prove that you're actually engaged

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in politics and you understand what all these things mean.

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I think some of the most engaged, most engaged intelligent people are

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completely brainwashed and coming up with the craziest, of ideas.

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So I'm struggling to find a solution for this because, you

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know, as I said in the sort of

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Benevolent

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Dictatorship.

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Yeah, in the, in the, so the promo thing was, you know, I'm done with democracy and

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I'm ready for the Benevolent Dictatorship.

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Because I just see that, um, how do you overcome this situation where

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democracy at its heart says, um, let the people express their will.

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And then, you know, hopefully our leaders do what they want.

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But if you've allowed oligarchs to convince people to hold certain positions

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that suit the oligarchs, I don't see how you can stop that at any point.

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I think you have to change the laws to stop capture of the

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system by interested parties.

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Yes, yes.

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So, uh, taking money out of politics?

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Yes.

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Yes.

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Funding arrangements, uh, in America, that Citizen United was a horrible decision.

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It was.

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Um, you know, so anything like that.

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And I think, uh, there was a revisit on The Voice, I can't

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remember where I saw that.

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Oh, that's right.

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Um, all of these retrospectives on why The Voice, uh, The Voice vote failed.

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Yeah.

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That was an article.

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Um.

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But the newsletter.

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Yeah.

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A bunch of books have come out.

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Yeah.

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Um,

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yes, all of which were.

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As far as I'm concerned, completely off.

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If, if you understood the real meaning of equality, you'd understand

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that it meant that some people were more equal than others.

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Yeah, dear listener, in the, in the weekly, well, actually this newsletter

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goes out three times a week where I grab articles and throw it in there,

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and one article is a review of books that have come out that are sort of, um,

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reflecting on The Voice and why it failed.

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And the very first book This author basically blames Australians for having

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an unsophisticated Um, view of equality, and if only we had been more sophisticated

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we would have come to a better decision.

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Yeah.

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So, um, you know, imagine,

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I'm trying to get to with this, is we want politicians who have the

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interests of the masses at heart.

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The middle.

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And lower classes, you would hope, which are the majority of people.

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And why not everybody?

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Yes.

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Well, you'll never please everybody.

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And because you're actually going to have to take some stuff off.

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The top 10 percent But that's

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not necessarily in their disinterest though.

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True,

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yes.

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They may

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It would be cruel to be kind.

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Well, but also, you know, um, a working society, a working

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economy would benefit everybody.

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Yes, they won't see it that way though.

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No, they weren't there

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that way.

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Yeah.

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So, just, just the leadership we've got at the moment, the way that politics

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is set up with, at least in our major Western countries, Australia, US, UK,

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we've had this sort of two party system.

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And, you know, even in the Labor Party, Which, in theory, should

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be a little bit immune from this.

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We've still got the jobs for the boys afterwards.

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Like, you can have these guys sort of making decisions, granting contracts

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to, um, in defence and whatever.

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And they leave office and, and less, you know, 12 months and one day later, they're

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working for some, um, Lockheed Martin defense contract company or, or whatnot.

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And

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I'm just trying to find ways that would incentivize, you know, one

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thing I had this was idea was, I think actually maybe they did this

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in Greece or Rome or something, was a random sort of selection for.

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Uh, our leaders, you know.

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I thought that was in Rome, in Greece, wasn't it?

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Yeah.

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And I thought at one point I thought, you know, maybe having a random,

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um, ballot for leaders would be good because, um, that would at

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least have a chance of avoiding the control of, of powerful interests.

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But if powerful interests have propagandized the majority of

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the population, then that's not going to sort of work at all.

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And maybe the breaking up of media is an answer.

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Yeah,

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I think so.

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I'm just seeing more and more that propaganda is the sort of,

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um, the thing that is really hard for us to, to somehow overcome.

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Because it's eroding democracy, where it is manipulating people.

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People's, um, uh, genuine attempt to understand issues.

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And it's, it's, it's basically causing our democracies to become dysfunctional.

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They're not, they're not, um, we're not getting the people we want in charge.

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Look at, at this present rate with America faced with Donald Trump or

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Joe Biden, the system has worked in such a way that that's the choice

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for the Americans at the moment.

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It's drastically wrong.

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Psycho democracy has just failed completely.

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Um.

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Well.

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I don't know what you

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want.

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Well,

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you've got a

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system of primaries in the U.

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S.

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where they actually have votes against each other and everything else.

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They have a runoff and then they decide who their most preferred candidate is.

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And that's why Joe Biden got to the top of the tree.

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But the system has created two parties and Yeah,

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I know, it's created two parties because you've only got a first past

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the post system in the United States.

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There's no room for a third party.

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You know.

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And also, um, even when they win the primaries, because,

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um, what's his name, dude?

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Bernie Sanders.

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Yeah,

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Bernie Sanders came very, very close to actually winning

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the Democratic nomination.

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I've got no doubt there.

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No, no, he won it in the popular vote.

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It was the super votes that the Republican, the Democratic Party had.

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Oh, okay, gotcha.

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It was the committee that chose Clinton over Bernie.

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Bernie.

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Bernie.

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Okay, gotcha.

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So, the will of the people spoke and was overridden by the party.

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Hmm.

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Fair enough.

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Yeah, I wasn't aware of that.

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I'm just trying to think of ways, institutionally, if we were to create

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a new constitution that could somehow

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In an ironclad way, help to sort of reduce this influence of powerful people

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distorting the public will and distorting the kind of leadership options we get.

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So, I had this one crazy idea.

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This would be an idea, I reckon, for a dystopian sort of science

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fiction type novel, Scott.

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I don't think I've mentioned this one before.

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But imagine a situation where you said to all politicians.

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In the federal government, for example, that, um, that at the conclusion of

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their term in office, they're going to, um, they're going to go into a lottery

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and, and there'll be a 25 or 20 percent chance that they will be reduced to

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the poverty line in terms of wealth.

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If you said to them, there's a 25 percent chance that at the end of your time in

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parliament, Uh, the number will be rolled, you roll a dice, and, and you'll be poor.

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Well, I quite

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like the idea of

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their super going into a super fund the same as the rest of us.

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Well, well, the point is, that I reckon the decision making that would occur

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would be completely different if people in their decision making went, shit.

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In 3 years time, or 5 years time, I might be one of these people.

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I'd better make some, I'm going to make sure that the various social

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services are working as well as they can, or as well funded as they can.

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Cause there's a chance I'm going to be one of them.

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And it's a kind of a dystopian sort of, um, you know, novel type idea, but

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that's sort of, I'm, I'm searching for an incentive that would be realistic

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that would achieve that sort of thing.

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Talks of ancient societies where the king was selected by picking

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a bean out of a bag or something.

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So they became king until the bad times happened, at which point they would

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be sacrificed to appease the gods.

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Yeah.

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Well, the problem is, if you've got people to pick a bean out,

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they've been propagandised, so you'll still get Yeah, but

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then the bad times happen and we sacrifice them.

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Yeah, and then you just insert another person who's also been propagandised.

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So, well, you sacrificed them.

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Yeah, you start to just run out of time.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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I'm thinking, um, cause what do we do on this podcast is, I was just

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thinking about it before, is, um, uh, we point out really bad policy

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decisions or inaction by our leaders and we summarise a rational argument.

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And then we bemoan that our leaders refuse to do the right thing, because

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either, uh, our leaders are wanting to keep or gain power, or they're

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afraid of upsetting powerful enemies, or they're part of some tribal

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solidarity, uh, quite often religious.

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Or they're just plain ignorant, or maybe they're greedy because they want

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a job with, um, some defence group afterwards or something like that.

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So, so we just don't get what would be good for society, um, uh, and then we

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sit back here on this podcast and observe how propaganda shifts public opinion, uh,

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to approve the bad ideas such that the bad ideas are whitewashed as acceptable.

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Um, because not enough people object.

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And that's, it's just a litany of bad ideas we've looked at for nine years.

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Clearly bad ideas.

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And the only two where anything has happened have been voluntary

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assisted dying and marriage equality.

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And I think that's because in both cases people could have a personal experience

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Where, uh, you know, marriage equality.

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They would have a son, a daughter, a niece, a nephew, a friend, a

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relative who was gay, lesbian.

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Whatever.

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And they had personal experience and thought, well, that's just unfair.

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And, or when it came to voluntary assisted dying, they had an elderly

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relative who had a bad death.

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So they had a close personal experience on those issues, which overcame all

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of the normal, uh, sort of effects.

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And we ended up with some sort of progressive change.

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Not a lot else.

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Has actually changed, Scott, in nine years.

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Can you think of anything progressive other than those two things?

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Well, those two things, there was

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no money in

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it.

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There was no money in having a vested interest.

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It's not like someone was getting rich out of either direction.

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Yes, that's true.

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Uh, that is true, actually.

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There was not a money interest involved.

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A powerful money interest.

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Um, good point, Joe.

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Mm.

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Sad.

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A sad but true point.

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Um, yeah, I think, um, you know, we talked about a long time ago, um,

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shock Doctrine and by Naomi Klein.

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And the whole idea of Shock Doctrine was that these countries, poor and struggling,

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would be put under enormous pressure and eventually some shock would come,

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whether it was a massive devaluation of their dollar, maybe a natural

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event like a typhoon, or some other calamity would befall these countries.

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And the neoliberals would jump in, um, while people were still in shock

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and say, well here's what you've got to do, institute all these austerity

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measures, you've got to privatise the public services, you've got to

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cut out all these social services, you've got to let foreigners come in.

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and buy stuff up and you've got to, um, expose yourself to

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world trade, blah, blah, blah.

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While people were still in shock and had no capacity to respond.

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And

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it's literally, here's, here's the playbook, we've written it

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for you, just go and implement.

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Yes.

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You don't even

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have to think.

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Yeah, and,

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and people couldn't

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object because they were still in shock.

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And when it all goes to shit, I think we need to have some sort of

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new constitution Sitting on a shelf, ready just to quickly dust off.

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And, and, and say, we've been waiting for this moment and here's what we need.

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Because we got into this position because of all these systemic problems and we need

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a new constitution that looks like this.

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Boom, boom, boom, boom, boom.

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Yeah, I mean, do you fix education so that people are more sceptical,

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more, better able to see through, um, indoctrination in terms of propaganda?

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Hmm, media literacy.

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Media literacy, which of course goes against the vested interest,

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so that's never gonna happen.

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Yeah, well, that's why you need the shock, and when the, when the, when

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the, when the, so really, shit has hit the fan and there's marching

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in the streets or something like that, like, it's all pie in the sky.

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Right.

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Do you, do you rewrite your political laws in terms of, uh, funding of institutions,

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government institutions, the parties?

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In the UK it used to be, when I was growing up in the UK, you couldn't

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Advertise politically, there was no political advertising allowed,

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um, every party was given their own half ass lot on public broadcast,

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uh, and, you know, you could tune in for the party political broadcast

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of whatever party it was that day.

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And there was no other political advertising allowed.

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So there was none of this.

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Bring it back.

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Bring it back, I say, Joe.

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Yeah,

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absolutely.

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Yep.

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These are the sorts of ideas you could think about in the cold light of a

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day now, while you've got plenty of time, and then, um, When the emergency

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comes, you can say, Well, we've thought about all this, and here's the

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document, sitting here, ready to go.

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These are the reasons.

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Yeah, I mean, it's all just thought experiment, pie in

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the sky stuff, dear listener.

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I'm not seriously suggesting any of this is going to happen tomorrow or next week.

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How about

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if anybody's personal wealth goes above a hundred million?

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We take it all off them and they're put on dole.

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So there's no incentive race to get as much money as possible, because

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once you hit that a hundred million cap, we're going to take it all away.

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Uh, and leave them.

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Oh, okay.

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Take everything.

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Yes.

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You can have up to the a hundred million.

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You go above that and you lose the whole, Oh, Joe, Joe, I like that one.

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It's actually number two in my, in my list here, the new constitution

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wish list, which I sort of was quickly knocking up this afternoon,

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um, in the event of an emergency.

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Number one was, Uh,

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number one was, um, the members of parliament subject to the poverty ballot.

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So that was the one where they'd be forced to, to think very seriously

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about making sure that, um, welfare systems are working really well and are

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well funded because it could be them.

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Uh, I had down a law against excessive private wealth of anyone,

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Joe, I really liked that one.

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That not only are you, is there a maximum.

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But, you know, I was always thinking, well, if you go past the maximum,

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we just keep skimming off the top.

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But yours is, we will penalise you, take the whole lot off you.

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You better be careful.

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No,

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I don't think that you should penalise them or anything like that.

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I just think you've got to actually let them hit the hundred million.

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But this is the ultimate incentive.

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Yeah, I know.

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But the thing is, let them hit a hundred million dollars.

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And then after that, you know.

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Anything above a hundred million dollars, you forfeit to the

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government at a hundred percent.

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Yeah.

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In the chat room, Landon Hardbottom says, hold on, hands off my hundred mil.

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Yeah, I know that because Landon would be very defensive of his

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hundred million, wouldn't he?

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Yes.

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And he says you've got more facial hair than you had nine years ago.

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Yes.

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Well, that's

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very true.

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Yeah.

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Yes.

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Yeah.

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So, um, Robin says, did propaganda shift public opinion on The Voice?

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Uh, I would, I would say it did, um, I think it did, Robin, certainly.

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The opinion changed.

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So the question is how, why?

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And certainly some of it was disingenuous, um, racism argument, but some of

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it was, um, genuine moral argument.

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So there was certainly a component of, I mean, what's propaganda, but, um, Some of

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it was disingenuous allegations of racism.

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Yes.

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There was no doubt about that.

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It did change.

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Now, you know, probably the master stroke was getting the

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white guys to stay out of it.

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And then, um, after that you have the, um, the black opponents to it.

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You have, Jacinta, Nampatimpa Price, and who was the other guy?

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Warren Mundine.

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Warren Mundine.

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You know, they were the head of the No Case, and they were both Indigenous.

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Now, that was probably why it was successful, because you

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had those two there that were out there arguing against it.

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Now, I wasn't.

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Turned by their opinions or anything like that.

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I thought they were both rather poor arguments.

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However, I just thought to myself, well, you've got these two arguing for it.

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It's going to be very hard for anyone else to overcome that.

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Number three on my list, laws to control propaganda.

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So obviously media ownership laws are a problem and Um, I don't know

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the specifics of how you would do it, but when you've got, you know, here

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in Brisbane, Courier Mail owned by Murdoch, Australian Murdoch, so any old

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fogey's reading a newspaper, that's what they're getting is whatever Murdoch's

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pushing, and there has to be ways to,

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to somehow limit the propaganda one media mogul can.

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Can levy against a population.

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I don't know how.

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Yeah,

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but then you've also got the same problem with, um, the Fairfax papers

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that are now called the Nine Papers.

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You know, they're no longer a patch of what they were.

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You know, they're no longer as good as what they once were, but, um

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There's no money in, um In

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print, no.

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Yeah.

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There's still power and influence.

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Yeah, God knows why, it's just one of those things, it's gonna be,

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it's gonna be a dying influence and all that type of thing.

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It's um, we're probably only gonna put up for another 20 years until

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the last, the boomers are dead.

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Yeah.

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But there's still the internet.

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Yeah, there is still the internet, yeah.

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As we saw last week, the whole CIA propaganda.

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See, I just look at um, you know, China for example, when, when um,

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Uh, Abbott was hosting, you know, Chinese leaders and, and Gillard was

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organising mutual defence um, exercises.

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And everyone was perfectly fine.

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And that all changed, not because of anything that China did, but because

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of a massive propaganda undertaking.

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And that's been in the era of declining newspapers.

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Sales, and, you know, they still manage an effective propaganda

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campaign, even with failing newspapers.

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And, and Russia, as, you know, Russia, and it's difficult to understand

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until you've actually looked at it.

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They are They are not just propping up Trump, they are

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deliberately sowing division.

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They will pop up adverts for Trump, adverts against Trump, with the same,

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all they're trying to do is sow discord and discontent, because all the time

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the West is squabbling amongst itself, it's not paying attention to them.

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So, I just don't know how we do it, but certainly, number three was, uh,

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somehow, laws to control propaganda.

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Number four is an IQ test for parliamentarians.

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Um, just basically, I don't think Joe Biden had passed it at the moment.

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Scott and Joe, did you watch parts of the debate?

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I don't know that IQ is the thing we need to be measuring, but

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certainly a common sense test?

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Well, I think that Joe, Joe would pass that right now, but if he actually, if he

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actually measured his cognitive decline, Then you would actually conclude that

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the guy is senile and all that sort of stuff and is no longer fit for office.

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I would like some sort of mental competency test.

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Yeah, exactly.

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Somebody can sit and concentrate on something for eight hours.

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For five days a week.

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I was going to say Donald Trump.

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That's right.

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Neither of them would possibly pass.

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No, exactly.

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You know, they're stuck in a position where It's tricky to get rid of somebody.

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Like, you really need to have a sort of an in place test.

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of mental competency that happens every 12 months.

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And if you fail, you just fail.

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Like you have to sit at every 12 months.

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Just otherwise nobody's going to institute this sort of, uh,

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competency test on a, on a leader.

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It's too hard to do.

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It should be in place as an automatic thing.

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And the two terms for an American president was brought

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in by an American president.

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Right.

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It's kind of a, you've got to have somebody going, this is too powerful

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an institution, we need limits on it.

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So you need somebody who doesn't have a vested interest going, right,

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we do need, um, competency tests.

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It's all part of the new constitution, Joe.

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Someone was saying Bill Clinton was a president 30 years ago and he's still

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younger than both Trump and Biden.

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Yes, yes.

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So, so yeah, one

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of those things, I think the Americans have got to get over this, um, age and

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experience thing that they've seemed to inhabit with because two of their

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better presidents were younger men, you know, JFK was only 40 something

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when he was in the job, wasn't he?

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You know, if you were running a major international organization

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where you needed and experience.

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You'd be, you know, looking for somebody in their fifties, something

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like that, sort of ideal, sort of age, I would have thought.

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It's

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one of those things, I was listening to a podcast this morning that they're actually

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saying that, um, if the Democrats could replace Joe Biden with a 55 year old,

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Governor, right now, they reckon he'd win because they'd be able to wipe the

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floor with Trump, but no one actually has.

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broached the subject with Joe and said, well, it's time for you

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to stand down or anything else.

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And nobody's in

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crisis

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talks, wasn't he?

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He was in crisis talks.

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There's no doubt about that.

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It was, but again, it was only with his family and his family is only going to

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tell him what they know he wants to hear.

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And nobody in the last two years could have positioned themselves to be this

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obvious next person because in doing so, you're seen to be undermining the deal.

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And therefore you would be ostracised and driven out, so.

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Which is precisely the problem, you know, it's one of those

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things like, you know, um,

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like we all like to laugh at the speed at which we tend to go

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through Prime Ministers down under.

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But I do think there is some sort of validity to that, that um,

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you can actually serve only at the pleasure of your opponent.

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colleagues.

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I do believe that having that sword of Damocles hanging over their necks and that

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stuff keeps them a little bit more honest.

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So you think they need a cabbage for U.

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S.

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President?

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No, I don't think they need a cabbage.

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They actually need, they actually needed, no, a lettuce was the um, a lettuce was

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the thing that they put on that woman.

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Liz Truss.

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Liz Truss, yeah, you know, they said will she last longer than

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this, longer than this lettuce?

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And the lettuce lasted longer than she did.

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Um, where was I headed with all of that?

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No, it's gone.

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I don't know.

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But um, you know, is it a democracy when

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Prime Ministers are chosen by the Parliamentary Party

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and not by the public anyway?

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Like, it's such an important position that, you know, nobody voted for, for

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No, but does it really matter who's running the job?

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You're voting for the party and not for the person.

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Exactly.

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You know what, in our current state, it doesn't even matter which party.

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Like, honestly, we got Albanese in here.

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Yeah, he's

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about as inspiring as a dishcloth.

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Not a lot different has happened that wouldn't have happened had

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Morrison got back in again, except Assange would still be in Belmarsh.

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What, what else?

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Oh, stage 3 tax cuts, I guess.

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The stage 3 tax cuts would probably have gone through if

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Morrison was still in office.

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Yeah,

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um, but otherwise, you know, the bullshit in terms of quantum computer

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deals where we've given 900 million to different groups, the freedom of

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information, um, knockbacks that Rex Patterson's getting all the time where

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this government's very secretive.

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The Whistleblowers who have been persecuted, imprisoned, um, uh,

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basically continuing to sell, uh, uh, allow spare parts to go to Israel for,

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for, for deals and, and government money going to Israeli companies.

Speaker:

All that shit is all still going on.

Speaker:

This is There's not much difference between what we've experienced, um, and

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what we would have got under Morrison.

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Had Morrison had actually won that last election, then we wouldn't have had

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any movement on climate change at all.

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Well, what movement have we had?

Speaker:

Well, we've actually had some in, we've had some investment in renewable energy.

Speaker:

But, you know, this Labor government's been, you know, approving more.

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Um, mining and gas fields and all sorts of stuff.

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Yeah,

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but they've been improving mining and gas fields for export more

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so than our domestic consumption.

Speaker:

Yeah, I know, it's just going to be burnt overseas, which is okay.

Speaker:

It's just one of those things, it's just going to throw a lifeline to the coal

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miners and that sort of stuff so they can continue to sell their poison overseas.

Speaker:

But, you know, here you are, there's virtually no difference, I don't think.

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Minimal difference between the two parties.

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If you look at America, minimal difference, minimal difference

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between the two parties.

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You know, it's hard to talk about things that would be done

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differently under either party.

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Um, who knows what's going to happen in the UK, whether, whether

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this Labor party is going, under Keir Starmer, is going to do.

Speaker:

Anything particularly different to what the Tories have been doing?

Speaker:

They've been a really small target.

Speaker:

They're just saying, vote for us because we're not the Tories have

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been shafting you for the last 10 years, but they haven't actually

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shown They haven't actually said anything different, have they?

Speaker:

Yeah, so It's just one of those things.

Speaker:

I hate the small target.

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Like, you know, it's, it was set up under, um, Paul Keating, he decided he was gonna

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be a small target when he went, when he was trying to knock off John Husson.

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Did, did.

Speaker:

Mm-Hmm.

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. Yeah.

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John, John Husson went in with a very detailed plan

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about what he was going to do.

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Fight back.

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Yeah.

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Fight back.

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Mm.

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And that was torn apart by Keating.

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Now, you know, it's, it was destroyed by Keating.

Speaker:

Keating made this, made the small target, the new political science.

Speaker:

And that was it.

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Mm-Hmm.

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. But just think about a dear listener.

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Not only does it not matter who our leaders are, essentially, and often

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we don't get to choose because it's done by a parliamentary party, but

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even if the actual parties change, the end result, it's not that different.

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Um, our democracy is not offering us a sort of a choice.

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And on a lot of issues, they're, they're contrary to what most people

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would, would want at any time.

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So, um, so yeah.

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Uh, number five on my list.

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Strict control of post politics careers, because it just gives me the

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shits, these guys who, uh, basically can't be accused of corruption when

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they're awarding contracts to various defense contract groups, but then 12

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months later, get a job with them.

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And this is all considered perfectly fine.

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Like it just shouldn't be on, because it leads to the understanding.

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Well, of course, you then say to the next incumbent, You know what happened

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to the guy who did the right thing by us?

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Um, got a great cushy job with us.

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Now, of course, can't promise you anything, but just

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look at our track record.

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When people are good to us, we're good to them post their parliamentary career.

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And that's a, that's a dangerous incentive where billions of

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dollars just go down the tube.

Speaker:

So it's just be, should be a full stop.

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No, you're not working for any company that had any involvement with any

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portfolio you were, you were dealing with.

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So, um, I reckon this one, Freedom of Information.

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Um, so much of, we haven't even dealt with the deal listener, we've given like 900.

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Million dollars or something to some quantum computer group to,

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to build a computer in Brisbane.

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And the deal is really sketchy.

Speaker:

And the problem is, we don't even know what the deal is.

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We don't know whether we got equity or loan.

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We don't know what our return on investment is, because we get

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this bullshit response of, Oh, it's commercial in confidence.

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We can't tell you what the government has done 'cause it's commercial in confidence.

Speaker:

Complete crap.

Speaker:

Um, so I like the idea where, um, essentially all documents, I'm done

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with the secrecy on these things.

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Even conversations, prime Minister.

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Basically, every conversation you have as Prime Minister

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should be recorded, Nixon style.

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And publicly available.

Speaker:

I was going to say, presidential record takes in the US.

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And 12 months later, or at a certain time in the very, very

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near future, it's released.

Speaker:

So when you're doing a discussion or a deal or something.

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In a very short time you're going to feel a lot of pain if

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you've done the wrong thing.

Speaker:

I think that's all in my new constitution, Scott.

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Do you like that one?

Speaker:

Yeah, I do.

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I was going to say a corruption commission that actually has teeth.

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Yes.

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One that's actually prepared to investigate things.

Speaker:

Like, I can't believe I'm not allowed to

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investigate things.

Speaker:

Well, it's just one of those things that God knows why they didn't

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investigate the, um, why they didn't, why they didn't investigate those nine

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people that referred to them under the Royal Commission into robo debt.

Speaker:

You know, that was bloody crook, what the hell the government was doing back

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then.

Speaker:

See, that's the sort of thing, Morrison, you would have expected.

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And we got the same from Albanese.

Speaker:

That's what I'm talking about, as in getting the same

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shit from this label group.

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And they're

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worried that it's going to come for them.

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Yes.

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But see, you know, the National Anti Corruption Commission was

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set up with a, you know, a Blaze of Glory and everything else.

Speaker:

It had, you know, nine people were handed to it by the Royal Commission.

Speaker:

You know, their heads were already in a platter, ready to be served up to us.

Speaker:

And they elected not to investigate it.

Speaker:

So God knows why.

Speaker:

Now someone's actually investigating their neck now to find out why they

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decided not to investigate them.

Speaker:

Yeah.

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Investigation of the investigation of the non investigation.

Speaker:

Yeah.

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So clever.

Speaker:

Yeah.

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Um, number eight of mine's a favourite, War can only be declared by Parliament,

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so none of this bullshit of just the Prime Minister deciding after

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consulting two or three friends.

Speaker:

You need joint sitting, House of Reps, Senate and a majority to agree to war

Speaker:

and every six months that you're in that war, you have to revisit that vote

Speaker:

and decide whether to continue with it.

Speaker:

Is this non defensive wars we're talking about?

Speaker:

Any

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war where we're lobbing bombs at somebody in any sort of use of our military against

Speaker:

We have to wait until Parliament sits.

Speaker:

How long does that take?

Speaker:

No idea.

Speaker:

Yes, yes, Joe, it's not that hard to, it's not that hard to gather people together.

Speaker:

I don't care if some of them are electronic or not.

Speaker:

I don't care.

Speaker:

But it's not that hard to get all of them together and, and say, hey.

Speaker:

They started loading troop ships in China and they're heading this way.

Speaker:

Do we want to declare war or not?

Speaker:

Or, the US have asked us to engage in a war against the Yemens.

Speaker:

Or, um, you know, in Afghanistan, or Iraq, or like, or in Vietnam, or Korea.

Speaker:

Like, none of these wars were so urgent that we couldn't have

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held a full parliamentary debate.

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None of them.

Speaker:

End.

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It wouldn't be that hard to be able to rack one up within 24, 48 hours

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if it was a really dire emergency.

Speaker:

Particularly in the lead up to a war, things are heating up and you're

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saying, Hey everybody, make sure you're close to the internet because

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we might need to make a decision soon.

Speaker:

So, I don't see that as a problem.

Speaker:

That's a great difficulty.

Speaker:

If it's important enough that we go to war, then let's just get

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everyone together to make sure that we agree that we should go to war.

Speaker:

Hmm.

Speaker:

Ah.

Speaker:

Limit the outsourcing of the public service.

Speaker:

Our public service now needs consultants to advise it how

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to, how to hire consultants.

Speaker:

They've completely lost capacity to do stuff.

Speaker:

So,

Speaker:

um, Mariana Mutzogid, sir, who, whatever her name is.

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Yes.

Speaker:

As a thing about, um, government outsourcing and saying that basically

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you lose all your skills in house.

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Corporate knowledge,

Speaker:

corporate memory.

Speaker:

Yeah.

Speaker:

Yep.

Speaker:

And you're then just left at the mercy of these consultants.

Speaker:

You've lost the ability to even know whether your consultant's

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advice is good enough or not.

Speaker:

So, you know, there's a regular task that you know a government is going to need.

Speaker:

You keep people in house to do that.

Speaker:

I saw a charity that, um, was outsourcing all of its, um, infrastructure,

Speaker:

and they had no knowledge.

Speaker:

They had, basically every time any change was done, you had to

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do a scoping exercise to go out and find what equipment was there.

Speaker:

To be able to say, alright, this is what's there, this is what we need to change.

Speaker:

This is what the future state will be.

Speaker:

But there was a re engagement every time, and the managed service provider

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was the cheapest one they could find, um, and it just, it didn't work.

Speaker:

Yeah.

Speaker:

So, but you know, people have fallen for the propaganda of public service

Speaker:

bureaucracy is a waste of money, these fat cats, when in fact The fattest

Speaker:

of the fat cats are in the consulting industry, which is where you're going

Speaker:

to have to resort to if you don't keep it in house, so that's on my list.

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Um, no lobbyists in Parliament House, no donations, or um, uh, Scott, it makes

Speaker:

no sense that we have parliamentarians representing districts, the seat of

Speaker:

Ryan, or Dixon, or something like that.

Speaker:

Like, in our federal parliament.

Speaker:

I think we should just have X number of politicians and a proportional voting

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system, and that they don't represent any particular district at all.

Speaker:

Because they end up having to attend every fate and um,

Speaker:

other minor things, pretending to represent these local constituents,

Speaker:

when they're there to be really passing policy on national issues.

Speaker:

Yeah, I'm not really sure how I feel

Speaker:

about that.

Speaker:

How do you get your FaceTime in front of a politician,

Speaker:

if you don't

Speaker:

have a politician for your area.

Speaker:

See, that's a very good point.

Speaker:

I don't know, but we could find a way, surely.

Speaker:

Absolutely.

Speaker:

I'm saying that is the one upside to having a locally representative

Speaker:

politician, is that in theory you could write to them and they are

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supposed to represent your interests.

Speaker:

But, you know, when your local parliamentarian is some right

Speaker:

wing Christian and he goes saying, I want to, um, I want you to

Speaker:

stop funding private religious schools, it's falling on deaf ears.

Speaker:

So, that's where you'd like to be able to It's falling

Speaker:

on deaf, it's falling on deaf ears with your local politician, until you actually

Speaker:

say to him, OK, that's no problem at all, you're not going to help me, I'm going to

Speaker:

talk to your opponent, and you're going to go raise Mary Hill with his opponent,

Speaker:

Doesn't do you any good.

Speaker:

You go to the Senate and then after that you get the crossbench involved and then

Speaker:

after that they start to Raise merry hell about it until something's actually done.

Speaker:

So Yeah, I'm not convinced of that Trevor.

Speaker:

I've got to think about that.

Speaker:

Mm hmm.

Speaker:

Well, I was gonna get rid of states

Speaker:

Yeah, absolutely.

Speaker:

They should go there.

Speaker:

There is there there there a Handbrake on the country there, a old

Speaker:

colonial hangover, they should go.

Speaker:

Hmm.

Speaker:

Keep local government.

Speaker:

Yeah.

Speaker:

And, um See,

Speaker:

what you can actually do with that is if you divide the states up into 12

Speaker:

areas and all that sort of stuff, you could have the mayors of those states

Speaker:

The 12 mayors of the state would then become the 12 senators of that state.

Speaker:

So the Senate wouldn't sit every week or anything like that.

Speaker:

They wouldn't actually sit down there together.

Speaker:

They'd get everything emailed to them and then they'd come back up with their own

Speaker:

votes and that type of thing afterwards.

Speaker:

And then you only pull them down there for the more important votes.

Speaker:

Uh, I don't know that I'd want to mix up their jobs of being mayor of a local

Speaker:

government and being in the Senate.

Speaker:

Um, I think it's too much to get your head around.

Speaker:

Each job is a pretty big job, I would have thought, but you couldn't be on top of it.

Speaker:

Everything, if you had that much on your plate.

Speaker:

But anyway, we could get rid of the states, and

Speaker:

Yeah, I was gonna say, local government, there's a mayor and there's a CEO,

Speaker:

and the CEO actually does the work.

Speaker:

Yeah, exactly.

Speaker:

It's one of those things, I just, I I understand where you're coming from

Speaker:

with abolishing states, that would be absolutely no problem whatsoever.

Speaker:

I think that if you're gonna do that though, you gotta merge Victoria

Speaker:

and Tasmania into one state.

Speaker:

Because it's a little bit ridiculous that you've got 12 senators.

Speaker:

There wouldn't be any state.

Speaker:

There wouldn't be any state.

Speaker:

No.

Speaker:

But for the Senate, each state gets 12 senators.

Speaker:

Well, we'd have to change that.

Speaker:

Exactly.

Speaker:

Which is a ridiculous thing that Tasmania gets 12 senators.

Speaker:

Yeah.

Speaker:

So we have to get rid of that.

Speaker:

That's, that's undemocratic.

Speaker:

The, um, the way that works as well.

Speaker:

Add that to the list.

Speaker:

Um, what else have I got on my list here?

Speaker:

They're the main ones.

Speaker:

I start repeating myself, I keep going.

Speaker:

The

Speaker:

states don't get protected us from ScoMo during COVID.

Speaker:

They did.

Speaker:

Yeah, they did.

Speaker:

It was the states that actually did stuff, and ScoMo just sat there and looked lost.

Speaker:

Yes.

Speaker:

True.

Speaker:

You see, that's the whole point.

Speaker:

Everyone forgets about the states until you're actually in a crisis.

Speaker:

And that, um, COVID crisis did actually bring out the best and it also brought

Speaker:

out the worst in us as a country.

Speaker:

And the best of it was probably when the states were in control.

Speaker:

The worst of it was when the Commonwealth's trying to go in control.

Speaker:

You know, it's one of those things, like, I honestly believe that we were

Speaker:

very fortunate to be an island nation, girt by sea, that we're just surrounded

Speaker:

by a natural moat and everything like that, and we just blocked it out.

Speaker:

We kept it out, and we didn't have those refrigerated vans and that sort

Speaker:

of stuff, sitting outside hospitals dealing with the dead, you know?

Speaker:

We were lucky.

Speaker:

Oh, we were exceptionally lucky, you know, and Britain, you know, they had

Speaker:

a ridiculous number that were killed over there from the disease, you know,

Speaker:

and um, Boris Johnson was apparently circling the drone pipe too, you know.

Speaker:

Yeah.

Speaker:

Missed opportunity.

Speaker:

Yeah.

Speaker:

So.

Speaker:

Hand

Speaker:

now, Joe.

Speaker:

Yeah.

Speaker:

So I guess, uh, I don't know how long I could keep banging on about

Speaker:

this, but I just think that, yeah, looking back at the last nine years.

Speaker:

An enormous number of policy failures that are just obvious.

Speaker:

Top of the list being submarine hawkers, working our way down.

Speaker:

Nothing really changing.

Speaker:

Democracy fundamentally flawed in that it's relying on the will of the people.

Speaker:

And we have a system where the will of the people can be

Speaker:

manipulated by powerful interests.

Speaker:

And I don't know how we go about stopping that from happening, but

Speaker:

I also think it needs to be in the constitution.

Speaker:

National infrastructure needs to be owned nationally.

Speaker:

So no selling off of national infrastructure, and I think CSIRO needs

Speaker:

Permanent funding for long term scientific research that is in the interest of

Speaker:

Australia has no financial reward.

Speaker:

You know, the things that um, low cost medication that are, people are reliant

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on, that there's no business case that we have to go, oh yes, we're going to

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make millions of dollars back on this.

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If it's a loss, it's a loss.

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It's uh, it's an investment into the well being of the Australian population.

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Profit doesn't come into it.

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The other one along those lines as well would be, if we're extracting minerals

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out of the ground in this generation, the proceeds from that should not be

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spent by this generation with nothing left for the future generation.

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That should be, if, if you're actually.

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If you're selling off capital, then it should be quarantined forever

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as capital, and you could only ever access the income that comes from it.

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So, otherwise, it's just a current generation ripping

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off a future generation.

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So, add that to the list.

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Um, yeah.

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But until, until some fundamental structural changes are made,

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we're just gonna head more and more down the toilet, I think.

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The only thing that might save us is, is our preferential voting system here in

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Australia might get more of the greens.

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You'll be pleased to know Scott involved.

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And that's going to potentially shake things up.

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Or all the United States doesn't have it.

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UK, does it have preferring?

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No, that's past the postcode.

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It used to have,

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um, single transferable for something, but they've just changed that.

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I think councils, um, local councils were, and they changed it.

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Yeah, um, so, um, Um, that might be the only thing that delays our spiralling

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demise that, to match the UK and the US, is our preferential voting system

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allowing us to get the Greens in, and, and they, to me, appear to be a voice

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that largely is listening to what

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the masses need, I think.

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But, um, anyway, remains to be seen.

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There we go.

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I wasn't going to throw any other bits of Two Cents worth in, because

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I'm done on this one I think.

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Oh, did we mention on air about the nuclear reactors and what they

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were worth in terms of capacity?

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No, we didn't actually do anything.

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That was on a, that was on something that Trevor sent around to us.

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And it was, the estimates were that it would produce approximately 4

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percent of the electricity that the country would actually need by 2050.

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So, uh, I don't think the national party is right when they're saying

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that this would remove the need for large renewable projects.

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It's a pipe dream and a very expensive pipe dream at that.

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That was basically.

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Looking at the current generating capacity of, of standard nuclear power

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stations, and assuming they put two of them on each of the seven sites.

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Yeah, so it was 2.

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4 gigawatts was the The largest power station that's been

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built, I think in Europe?

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It's in Finland, I believe.

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And so, seven of those at 2.

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4 kilowatts is, uh, 18 kilowatts?

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18 gigawatt

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or something like that.

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Sorry, 18 gigawatts, yes.

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And they

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were talking about us needing 300 and something gigawatts by the

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time the 2050 was turning around.

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I mean, we have to be realistic.

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We are very profligate in the way we use energy over here.

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Absolutely we are.

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Um, I, I, you, you show an Australian house to any European and they would

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fall over laughing that the levels of insulation and, um, energy efficiency,

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um, it was shocking when I first moved over it, how flimsy the houses were.

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And I'm very glad that I live in a subtropical climate because

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Hobart is the same distance from the equator as the south of France

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is, if I remember correctly.

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And we consider that cold.

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And you try and build a Hobart house in the south of France and you get

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shot down by the planning laws.

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Yeah, so, um, uh, John's just made it into the chat room and we're

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about to just finish off, John.

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Um, he's been at a Labour Party meeting.

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Um, yeah, so.

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We're not touching on Assange?

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Julian Assange is out.

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He's coming back to Australia.

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Um, well, I'm happy that he's out.

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Yeah, so am I.

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But it's sad that he had to take a plea deal.

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Um Because

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effectively, well, now, now they've validated that they can charge a

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And a reporting journalist, yeah.

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Who was not on US soil for committing a crime that wasn't a crime in either his

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home country or where he was at the time.

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It's one of those things I just think to myself that um, he had to take the

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plea out because the Americans weren't going to back down or anything else.

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That obviously said, John, look, we're just, we're just Give your time served

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and then you'll be on your way home.

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It's probably the best deal he could hope for.

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Now, I understand that the legal team and everything else is starting to argue

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with him and all that sort of stuff about getting him a pardon, which I

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don't think they should bother myself.

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I don't think the Yanks are actually going to give it to him.

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Have a rest.

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The thing, my thought on the whole thing is, Guys like, uh, James

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Patterson and other people like that, we're just, what are we doing?

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We should have let the US have him and he should rot in jail, the damn traitor.

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I think, you know, this sort of language, Simon Birmingham

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might have been of a similar ilk.

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And, uh, you know, just other comments you see from other people,

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and you just go, God, some of you people are just miserable shits.

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Like, honestly,

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some of these people are just goddamn awful.

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No matter what you thought of, of the guy, he's had a pretty harsh time, and you

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would have thought, well, enough's enough.

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But these guys are just mean spirited assholes, is what I, is the impression

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I got from some of these guys.

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The whole, um, sexual assault case, and if he's still bringing that up now, um,

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one, yeah, there was something there, I think there was a chance to put it

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to bed, um, I think there was no desire to put it to bed, and I think it's been

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a very useful thing to smear him with.

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It would have been nice to have seen that as a court case and see what

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the actual facts of the case were.

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Hmm, yeah, anyway.

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Um, you know, watching the guy get off the aeroplane and that,

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you'd just be He's a broken man.

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You'd just be thinking, his head would just be spinning totally out of

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control with all the emotions and the sensations would be going on in there.

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Like, I'm really glad that they kept him away from making a statement, and,

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um, you would imagine somebody in that position really needs Some time to

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just digest where they're at and um, it would have been really unfair to shove a

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microphone in his face and And get him to start answering questions at that point.

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So I'm glad they sort of looked after him in that sense and, and, um, kept

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him away from an interview of sorts.

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When they showed him landing in Saipan, I saw the video of that and

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thought, that's a very familiar face going through those doors with him.

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And it turns out it was, it was Kevin Rudd.

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Yes.

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Yes.

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Yeah.

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Yeah.

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So, um, who, who, who knows how much sort of credit to give the Albanese

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government and Rudd and where all of the credit lies and doesn't lie.

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But his legal advisor was pretty clear in saying that, um, that

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Assange was certainly giving Albanese plenty of credit.

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So.

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Well, I think it's because Albanese was the first of our PMs that

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actually Took it up for yanks.

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Yeah, you know, it's one of those things, you know I don't know what the

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hell happened over that sexual assault thing either You know, it, I think Joe

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could have, could have hit the nail on the head, then it could have been

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something to besmirch his character with.

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I don't know.

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However, I honestly believe that we shouldn't lose sight of that was the

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original complaint was sexual assault.

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Anyway.

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Yeah,

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and apparently he was willing to go to Sweden if they guaranteed they

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wouldn't extradite him to the US.

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Yeah, I know that.

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Uh, so had they given that guarantee, we could've had this dealt

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with, what was it, 15 years ago?

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Uh, it does all seem to be.

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It was an excuse to pick him up, to hold him whilst they got their

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ducks in a row to extradite him.

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So, uh, yeah, I, whether it's been blown out of proportion.

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And just finally, uh, Senator, Senator, very much.

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Payments got, um, crossed the floor and voted with the

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Greens for a set up of Palestinian state.

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Yes, for recognition of a Palestinian, of Palestine.

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And, uh, the Labor Party have, uh, said that's, uh, contrary to

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caucus solidarity and have basically

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pushed her to the outer and, uh,

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They haven't kicked you out of the party or anything like that.

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They have Everything.

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Yes.

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Almost.

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They have kicked you out of the caucus and John Seaman says, I have

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a bit of feedback on the Senator suspension, maybe, maybe next week.

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So if you've got his email address, better email him and find out what

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he knows and, um, find out whether it's okay for us to talk about it.

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But what do you think of the principle of the party

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selling to members?

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Ah, the principle, no, that is one of the, one of my main objections to the Labor

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Party is that, um, at least in the Liberal Party, you can actually cross the floor,

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and

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they can't actually kick you out.

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Right.

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Now, the Labor Party has made it a article of faith and all that sort of

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stuff that says we will kick you out.

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If you actually cross the floor, which is absolutely ridiculous because you then got

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that, um, you've then got that decision that was made when What is it, what's his

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name, was the leader of the Labor Party?

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No, lost it.

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No, before him, Latham.

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When Latham was leader of the Labor Party, they all rolled up to the Senate

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to vote for John Howard's changes to the Marriage Act that would make it illegal

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for same sex unions to be recognized.

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And who had to go and do that?

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Penny Wong, an outwardly lesbian woman.

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Who has since got married and adopted a child.

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Oh, no, she didn't adopt a child.

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She had to, I'm pretty sure her wife gave birth and that sort of stuff.

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You know, yeah, that was utterly crazy, you know, that they had to go and do it.

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They had to dutifully obey their leader and go in there and she

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voted against her own interest.

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Yeah, that was wrong.

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Hmm.

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What was Labor Party policy at the time?

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No, the Labor Party policy at the time was that they were

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opposed to same sex marriage.

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Right.

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Because the Labor Party policy at the moment, I believe, is that they're

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in favor of a two party solution.

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A two state solution, they are.

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Absolutely.

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Which is why I think to myself My

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problem with this payment issue is It seems to me that she's pretty

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much in line with the Labor Party, with stated Labor Party policy.

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So to me, uh, you know, maybe I'd have less sympathy if she was maintaining a

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position that was, um, that was completely against stated Labor Party policy.

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Policy, but she seems to be somewhere within it to me.

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So that's why I'm a bit sympathetic to her and saying, Oh,

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that's your policy.

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She's within the bounds of it.

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There you go.

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Right.

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John Seamans

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is going to be in Brisbane on Wednesday night.

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I'd like to stop here for a coffee with you.

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I

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will not be in Brisbane, John.

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So I'm still down the coast.

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Background you can see.

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All right.

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Well, there we go.

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A little bit on the current issues of the time, a little bit on the

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big picture, where, uh, I think we need some major institutional

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changes that won't come, but, um, who knows, we'll see what happens.

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But, um, yeah, just looking at other countries in particular, America,

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UK, France, now, pretty diabolical what's happening to democracy.

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Democracy is, is throwing up as the options.

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In our own democracy here has given us An Albanese government that's still

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doing deals with private contractors, not telling us what the deals are because

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it's commercial in confidence, still locking up whistleblowers, um, still

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supplying, um, Israeli defense contractors with money, still passing laws to enable

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further mining, a whole host of things that we would have expected from Morrison.

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All happening.

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So.

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There we go.

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I've run out of solutions.

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All right, John, message me separately.

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I'm not going to give you my, uh, over the, over the public chat where we are.

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So, right gentlemen, uh, thanks Scott for nine years and Joe as well.

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No worries.

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And, uh, onwards and upwards towards number 10.

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Exactly.

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We'll talk to you all next week.

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Bye for now.

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Sentence you to time served.

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Thank you.

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Yes.

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And that's a good night from me.

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And a good night from him.

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Good

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night.

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Good night.